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KurdishMedia
News Issue 390 - July 11, 2000
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Latest
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1N.Sixty
guerrillas in south Kurdistan take a stand against
Commander Ocalan's policies (KurdishMedia.com Jul
11)
2G.National
capital (By Yasar Kaya) (KurdishMedia.com Jul 10)
3G.AKIN
Office Ransacked: The Police Does Not Rule Out Hate
Crime (AKIN July 10)
4E.Khamenei
gathers rival factions together (AFP 9 Jul 9)
5E.Khatami
starts German visit amid tight security (Reuters Jul
10)
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1.
Sixty guerrillas in south Kurdistan take a stand
against Commander Ocalan's policies
KurdishMedia.com
– Jul 11, 2000
By
Ahmet Tas
(Translated
from Turksih – INTERNAME)
A
group of 60 sixty guerrillas took an open stand on
19 May 2000 against Ocalan's policy which they
labelled as one of liquidation and betrayal. Of this
group some 30 were seized by a division loyal to
Ocalan and imprisoned in caves. The other 30 took
refuge in the mountains. In a statement to his
lawyers about the situation of the group Ocalan
ordered those opposed to his policies to be given
the maximum penalty. Notes of the meeting taken on 7
June 2000 with Ocalan are reported in the last issue
of Serxwebun on www.serxwebun.com in Turkish.
On
19 May Dr. Sulyeman, Little Zeki, Yilmaz and a group
of five women that were part of their force
beforehand assembled to form a new team and escaped.
Two of them were given the task of arranging
meetings with Iran and the PUK when they were
apprehended by the Party and when interrogated gave
the information that those who escaped are calling
upon Iran and the PUK to find a safe place of refuge
for them; that they'd left the PKK due to political
reasons and would not stay with the PKK after this
... these three had made their position of
opposition known at the Congress and had spoken out
against Ocalan's statement on history and the
uprisings being included in the report of the
Congress.
Ocalan
goes on to denounce them in his meeting saying,
"Their offence is very grave. This is a
betrayal. It must be opposed vigorously, these are
conditions of war, we're in the most critical
period, the most severe penalties must be imposed.
It's a matter of internal treason. ... Is it
possible to brand these escapees as enemies?”...
When
Ocalan himself has been sentenced to death and is
sparing no pains in the campaign in Europe to have
the death penalty abolished, how can he pronounce
the death penalty on guerrillas who are opposed to
his policies and do it with the full knowledge of
the Turkish state and by the means of his lawyers,
then inform the organisation of it?
We
make public as below the names of those guerrillas
whose lives are in danger and held prisoner in the
caves of south Kurdistan:
The
matter is being investigated by Amnesty
International and other
international human rights groups.
Guerrillas
held prisoner in the caves of south Kurdistan
1-
Faruk Bozkurt,
2-
Feyman Devrim
3-
Sükran Deniz
4-
Reyhan Yildirim
5-
Sehnaz Altun
6-
Veloz Tepe
7-
Hurie Bingol
8-
Hatun Turhalli
9-
Nazime Adtürk
10-
Derya Kül
11-
Sirin Dalduman
12-
Zübeyde Ersoz
13-
Etem Karakurt
14-
Remzi Palyecin
15-
Engin Karaaslan
16-
Mesut Buldan
17-Mahmut
Karadag
18-
Enver Hasan
19-
Murat Tutal
20-
Mahmut Evran
21-Yücel
Zeydan
22-
Erzan Dürre
23-
Casim Elma
24-
Demirhan Aslan
25-
Feridun Yazar´s nephews
26-
Nuray Sen´s son
27-
Mayor of Van's son
28-
Semdin (Yüksekova Mayor's nephew)
List
of names of guerrillas who have escaped
1-
Sait Cürükkaya (Dr.Süleyman)
2-
Ayhan Ciftci (Little Zeki)
3-
Yildirim Kaya (Yilmaz)
4-
Rabi Güler
5-
Fesih Haran
6-
Ahmet Kirboga
7-
Hakan Aydemir
8-
Edip Ates
9-
Süleyman Kayran
10-
Ali Can Isik
11-
Cahit Ayaz
12-
Arif Bazencir
13-Mehmet
Bayar
14-
Mehmet Sah Gümüs
15-
Sirin Nesne
16-
Engin Catak
17-
Metin Sehir
18-
Mehmet Sogüt
19-
Abdullah Güzel
20-Memduh
Kentas
21-
Zahit Zdemir
22-
Yusuf Alicioglu
23-
Oya Bayran
24-Leyla
Süner
25-
Halime Ucar
26-
Fatos Zkan
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2.
National capital
KurdishMedia.com
– Jul 11, 2000
By
Yasar Kaya
(Translated
from Turkish: "Ozgur Politika" Jul 11,
2000)
(Note
from KurdishMedia.com: Yasar Kaya, former publisher
of "Ozgur Gundem" newspaper in Turkey and
more recently former President of the Kurdistan
Parliament in Exile.)
It
could be said that the “fifth part” of Kurdistan
consists of Kurds living in Europe.
These live in a dozen different countries,
have a population of up to a million, and possess
considerable economic potential as well. But in
terms of capital, organization, research and
development, and public relations, the Turks in
Europe are ahead of them.
In
past years, starting in Germany, we brought a number
of businessmen together and established
associations; I myself attended a number of meetings
of these groups. The Kurdish businessmen in each
country were to unite, and then these groups were to
form a Europe-wide federation of Kurdish
businessmen. In this way, we would pool the
available experience and knowledge, and would also
facilitate the integration/combination of resources.
But this organizational effort didn’t succeed, and
never really got off the ground.
There
were various reasons for this, such as the
small-business-owners’ inability to escape from
the idea of having “a snack-bar, a house, and a
car”, the lack of large-scale businessmen, the
fact that Kurdish businessmen were unfamiliar with
international import-export and contracting, and
that some were already involved with Islamic capital
formations, the lack of a Kurdish middle class, etc.
All these factors hindered us from making a
leap forward in terms of Kurdish capital.
Except
for some isolated individuals, no progress was made
along the path of forming Kurdish corporations and
large companies. The Islamic sector succeeded at
this, and now they own over fifty large companies
such as Kombasan and Yimpas.
The
Kurds also had such an opportunity, and they
haven’t yet lost it.
According to some realistic assessments,
Kurds living in Europe have some eight billion
German Marks on deposit at the Turkish Central Bank.
With this sort of capital, one can establish a
country’s entire infrastructure. Kurdish
contractors could win important contracts in Russia,
Libya, the Caucasus, and the Central Asian
Republics, but no such efforts are there.
In
fact, even in South Kurdistan, all sorts of projects
are to be constructed, from dams to airports, from
water-purification projects to electrical generating
stations, from roads to sewage systems, and from
telecommunications facilities to housing. I think I
can say that Kurdish contractors are currently not
prepared for such projects.
After
this general introduction, let us note that there is
no Kurdish national market yet, and consider how one
could be formed. I’ll take Diyarbakir as an
example. If there were three factories in Diyarbakir
and the surrounding area that manufactured
refrigerators and washing machines, or cars, then
the owners of this capital could say to companies
such as Koc-Arcelik, Profilo, and the others that
“This is my market, I’m going to supply it.”
And in fact, since goods manufactured there
wouldn’t have the costs of transport in their
prices, they would be cheaper, and could undersell
goods brought in from farther off.
In this way, the exploiters would lose their
markets, and Kurds could take possession of their
own national market.
Why
is it that big Istanbul holding companies are buying
land in the Southeast Anatolia Project (GAP) region,
and making investments there?
There
will be large profits made from irrigated
agriculture, and this money will now flow to the
Istanbul holding companies, it will finance them;
this is a capital transfer from agriculture to
industry. This is but one way for them to acquire
new cash.
Maybe
you’ve noticed that since about 1939 the only
factory established in North Kurdistan, which they
call the Southeast, was the woolen goods factory
which was dismantled from the Golden Horn section of
Istanbul and moved to Diyarbakir.
After all, there were no Ottomans left, and
so who was to wear fez hats anymore?
Since 1960, every new government puts out the
same nonsense saying they’ll build factories in
the East and Southeast; they reheat the same old
promises and serve them warm to the Kurdish people.
Private enterprise, that is, capital, seeks
safety and profitability.
For that reason capital is always very timid.
The
world is moving in a certain direction.
In the past, books could be prohibited, the
prohibition was published in the Official Gazette,
and those books and magazines couldn’t be brought
into Turkey. But
now we have the Internet.
People in Ardahan and Sirnak can read things
on the Internet, and so now’s there’s
essentially no such thing as banning publications
within a given country.
Companies
are merging. Today’s
world is dominated by two hundred corporations. So
where are we in all this?
We have to go beyond the scale of “my
snack-bar, my house, my car”.
We have to move toward the formation of
Kurdish national capital.
This step is necessary but long overdue.
It’s also very difficult to accomplish.
Today
there are lots of Kurdish businessmen from Van to
Mersin, from Agri to Bodrum, but to Europe they’re
invisible. Now there’s no war in Kurdistan, but
with the peace, what projects are the Kurds
developing? What are they going to do?
That’s what’s important.
One
of the most important dynamics in the
nation-building process is the formation of national
capital, and taking control of your own market. Most
of the time the national market is the national
country, the homeland.
Whatever the model of national liberation
movement, whether it’s autonomy, federation,
independence, or whatever, as long as no support is
given to national capital, one of the legs of the
movement simply isn’t there.
After all, the national movement exists in
order to organize and mobilize all that various
classes and levels of society, to stand up for them,
and to get them all marching together along the same
path. Otherwise,
that movement is just the movement of a single
party.
Over
the past century, we’ve seen a number of party
movements, from Khoybun onward.
Certainly one day these parties will take an
objective look at themselves and write their
histories. But
in summary, the economic dimension plays an
important role in the process of forming a nation.
A
party without funds, a national movement without
support, and a country without a budget are all
unthinkable.
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3.
AKIN Office Ransacked: The Police Does Not Rule Out
Hate Crime
AKIN
- July 11, 2000
For
Immediate Release (# 48)
202.483.6444
The
American Kurdish Information Network (AKIN), an
advocacy office for Kurdish political rights in
Washington, DC, was found ransacked this morning.
Kani Xulam, the director of AKIN, who arrived at the
scene of crime at 8:52 a.m., reported the break-in
immediately. The Washington police who showed
up at about 9:12 a.m. undertook a through
investigation. After about an hour, the police
officers questioned Kani Xulam about the possibility
of a hate crime and wanted to know if he had ever
been threatened.
Kani Xulam told the police officers that he had
received over at least 100 threats directed at him
through e-mails, phone calls or letters in recent
years and that he had notified the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI) about some of these threats.
The police officers noted that the burglars usually
go for the valuables, but here, there seems to be
open hatred directed towards the property. He
went on to say, "The broken door and destroyed
book shelves certainly give one this impression.
In addition, thrashing the place in this manner is
not the way intruders who seek valuables
operate."
Kani Xulam who was allowed into his office at about
10:30 a.m. later noted that, "When I saw the
broken glass and paper all over the floor, I felt
sick. Kurds have gotten used to expecting this
kind of treatment in the Middle East; in America, I
could not believe what my eyes had just
witnessed."
Asked what if he thought of the break-in, Mr. Xulam
said, "It feels like being violated.
Thank God, our computers were intact. But
then, it is also too early to be sanguine. The
appearance could be rather deceiving. I want
to believe that the damage is reparable.
It
could be that those who wanted to a copy of our
records got away with their catch."
One of the missing items was a VCR with a copy of
videotape called Coup. "Last night, I had
watched it, a documentary about the Turkish
military's perennial take-over in Turkey by the
Turkish filmmaker,
Elif Savas.
The too-long film felt like a horror story. In
the morning, to my utter dismay, I discovered that
its horror had hit AKIN as well. It felt
surreal."
The
following link will show you how you could watch
Kurdish news on an American TV
http://www.scola.org/schedules/C1WE2.html
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4.
Khamenei gathers rival factions together
AFP
- 9 Jul 9, 2000
TEHRAN,
July 9 (AFP) - Ayatollah Ali Khameini, Iran's
supreme leader, gathered the heads of the country's
reformist and conservative movements Sunday to
encourage mutual understanding, state television
said.
The
meeting, held at Khameini's home, included
pro-reform President Mohammed Khatami and
conservative former president Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani,
who controls the powerful Expediency Council.
State
telvision, which called the meeting "a sign of
reconciliation and solidarity," said Khameini
led the leaders in prayer together.
The
meeting comes one day after violent clashes outside
Tehran University between fundamentalists and
reformist students who support Khatami.
The
demonstration, which injured at least 10, was broken
up when the Bassijis, a militia loyal to Ayatollah
Khameini, moved into the crowd and began clubbing
the reformist students, witnesses said.
Khameini,
who is officially neutral in political disputes but
is widely viewed as favoring the conservatives, has
called together Iranian leaders several times over
the past year, including after the February
elections that brought reformists to power.
Also
present at the Sunday meeting were Mehdi Karubi, the
new centrist speaker of parliament; Ayatollah Mahmud
Hashemi-Shahrudi, head of the conservative-dominated
judiciary, and Akbar Nategh-Nouri, a former
parliamentary speaker and Khatami's conservative
rival in the 1997 presidential election.
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5.
Khatami starts German visit amid tight security
Reuters
– Jul 10, 2000
By
Douglas Busvine
BERLIN,
July 10 (Reuters) - Iranian President Mohammad
Khatami arrived on Monday for a landmark visit to
Germany, where his hosts took extraordinary steps to
contain protests by émigré opponents of the
Islamic government.
Khatami
was welcomed with full military honours at Berlin's
Tegel airport by President Johannes Rau, becoming
the first Iranian leader to visit since a turbulent
trip by the late Shah in 1967, when a German student
was shot dead by police.
The
pair then boarded a helicopter to fly to Rau's
residence in one of many security measures designed
to shield Khatami from protests by Iran's exiled
opposition in the German capital
Before
leaving Tehran, he told reporters
``Relations
between Iran and Germany have seen many ups and
downs in the past years. But Iran pursues an active
diplomacy for political detente with other
countries...We look more to the future than the
past.''
The
moderate cleric's three-day state visit follows
trips to France and Italy and is Berlin's strongest
gesture of support to date for a democratic reform
process which is being resisted by Iran's
conservative theocratic elite.
TIGHT
SECURITY
Security
was extremely tight in Berlin, where the National
Council of Resistance of Iran (NCR) – the
political wing of the Iraq-based Mujahideen Khalq
armed opposition -- said it expected 20,000 people
to protest against the Tehran government.
German
authorities have turned back Iranians at the border,
ordered others to report to police and searched the
homes of activists suspected of planning violence.
The NCR said 10,000 people had been stopped from
reaching Berlin for the protest.
``Freedom
of expression is being curtailed at the heart of
Europe for the sake of Khatami,'' complained Perviz
Khazai, who represents the NCR in Scandinavia.
Police
estimated the noisy but peaceful crowd demonstrating
in rainy weather near Berlin's central Brandenburg
gate -- just a stone's throw away from Rau's
residence -- at a few thousand.
The
city's interior minister, Eckart Werthebach, said he
did not expect large-scale violence and had no
evidence to back up media reports that reactionaries
in Tehran might deploy agents provocateurs to spark
trouble in a bid to discredit Khatami
``We
would be ready if that happened,'' he told ZDF
public television.
Germany's
domestic security service, the Office for the
Protection of the Constitution, has described the
Mujahideen Khalq, led by Massoud Rajavi, as a
sect-like movement ``exhibiting a democratic deficit
coupled with a heightened readiness to commit
violence.''
DOMESTIC
UNREST
While
the Paris-based NCR accuses Khatami of complicity in
reactionary policies at home, international human
rights groups back the German government's policy of
diplomatic engagement to assist the reform movement
of which he is the standard-bearer.
``Since
President Khatami took office the atmosphere has
improved considerably,'' said Barbara Lochbihler of
Amnesty International's German chapter. ``But the
situation is very precarious.''
That
view was confirmed by clashes between secularist
students and Islamic vigilantes in Tehran on
Saturday, the first anniversary of the bloody
suppression of a pro-democracy rally.
Khatami
was due to meet Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder and
Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer on Monday before
seeing German business leaders on Tuesday in a bid
to revive investment and trade which have tapered
off in recent years
Germany
is determined to ensure that the visit passes off
without incident to complete a thaw in relations
that chilled in 1997 when a Berlin court accused
Iran's political leadership of ordering the
assassination of Kurdish dissidents in Berlin.
An
Iranian court also strained relations by passing a
death sentence, later revoked, against a German
businessman accused of illicit sexual relations with
an Iranian woman in Tehran.
Khatami,
who ran an Islamic centre in Hamburg for a year
before the 1979 Islamic revolution, will on
Wednesday visit the eastern city of Weimar, home of
18th-century German playwright Johann Wolfgang von
Goethe.
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